|
|
My Response to Anti-War.com on Iraq Withdrawal
Thu Mar 10th, 2005 at 09:55:13 AM EDT :: Iraq
Yesterday, I started a discussion here about how and when the U.S. should exit Iraq. The replies, analysis and debate in that thread are very much worth your while to read in detail.
Eric Garris on the Anti-War.com blog replied to my original post as follows:
===
William Rivers Pitt Falls Into War Party's Trap
One of the most vocal opponents of the US invasion and occupation of Iraq, William Rivers Pitt of Truthout, has fallen into the trap set by the War Party.
Pitt declares: If we haul stakes and leave, we risk having the country collapse permanently into a Balkanized state of civil and religious war that will help to create a terrorist stronghold in the mold of Afghanistan post-1989.
This is the trap the War Party sets every time they invade a country. They create a quagmire, then argue that it will be a disaster if we leave.
===
The full text of Garris' post and my response is as follows.
Garris writes:
During the Vietnam War, many in the Antiwar Movement argued against immediate, unconditional US withdrawal for exactly the same reason, that it would create chaos. Cries of "Negotiations Now" competed with the principled "Out Now" stance of committed antiwar activists.
While there are a number of comparable points between this war and that one, I would disagree with the premise that this situation exactly mirrors Vietnam. It doesn't, for many reasons.
Those who argued that an immediate withdrawal from Vietnam would cause chaos were thinking in a Cold War domino-theory mindset, i.e. Communist forces would roll up South Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, South Korea, etc. This thinking does not apply here, and is in fact reflected in a Bizarro-World kind of way by Bush administration policy: With Vietnam, we were worried about the destabilization of regional governments; With Iraq, the destabilization of regional governments is one of the primary goals.
There is chaos, and there is chaos. With Vietnam, it was the aforementioned domino-theory chaos that caused concern. In hindsight, those concerns now seem clearly overblown. With Iraq, however, the concept of chaos is more pointed. There are several things that can happen because of Iraq that were never on the table in Vietnam:
1. Like it or lump it, but the world economy is addicted to Mideast oil. An immediate U.S. withdrawal could precipitate a total collapse of the oil industry there, causing a global oil shock. That chaos could spread to Saudi Arabia, where the regime is not on the most stable of ground. If the House of Saud were to fall, all that oil could fall into the hands of Wahabbist extremists, and at that point, chaos would be given a whole new definition. The best-case scenario for an immediate withdrawal has Iraq becoming a Shia fundamentalist state allied with Iran on top of all that oil, a scenario that frightens anyone with a long-term foreign policy and economic outlook.
If it sounds like I am arguing in favor of the Halliburton boys plumbing Iraq's oil or that I am arguing in favor of Bush's Saudi pals, I'm not. But, as Molly Ivins says, you dance with them what brung ya. Ignoring these realities is dangerous and irresponsible. If you own a car, use electricity, eat produce that you did not grow yourself, if you know anyone who fits this description, or if you do any number of a hundred other things that are based on petroleum, you have a dog in this hunt. Simply wishing it wasn't true is no answer.
2. The Afghanistan model is appropriate here, despite Garris' claim. In 1978, we began a process of agitation in Afghanistan that ultimately led to the Soviet invasion in 1979, the goal of which was to burden the USSR with its own Vietnam. By 1989, our goal had been met; the Soviets had been beaten, and they slinked home to die, at which point we hauled stakes and left Afghanistan completely torn apart and controlled by the fundamentalist warlords we had armed, funded and trained. The resulting civil war led inexorably to Taliban rule, the rise of bin Laden and al Qaeda, and ultimately, September 11.
We have already failed to appreciate the first lesson of our Afghan history with the Iraq invasion. If we bug out and call it a day, we will have failed to learn the other lesson: If you leave a smashed, failed state in the hands of militant fanatics, you will pay a heavy price for it sooner or later. On one important point, however, I have no answers, which is why I first posted the question: What would create more terrorism? Staying in Iraq or leaving? The ultimate dilemma is that either will manufacture people who will die for the privilege of seeing you die. Such is the magic of Bush's foreign policy vision: A justification for permanent war no matter the outcome.
All I know is this: The Afghanistan model fits, and if we were to pull out tomorrow, a year from now we'd be talking about Iraq being the birthing bed of international terrorism after their civil war, and we'd wind up invading them again. Will staying in create the same kind of problems? Probably. That is why this is such an unbelievable nightmare.
Garris writes:
But Pitt forgets this important point: the US has no right to control the future of the Iraqi people, at any time. His argument that we can't let Iraq become a balkanized or unstable government is identical to the neocons' current argument for staying in Iraq.
I agree wholeheartedly that we have no right to control the lives of the Iraqi people. But we invaded their country, smashed their infrastructure, killed 198,000 of their civilians, toppled their government, opened their borders to extremists who kill not for the good of the Iraqi people but to win a political/religious argument with the United States, and yes there is a big difference, we did all these things and more, and so the argument about whether we have the right to do anything is a horse that has already left the barn.
We are not talking about having the right anymore. We must talk about having the responsibility. It is the responsibility of the progressive movement to figure out how to fix this with the least possible damage to Iraq or to the world. Bush and his gang were criminally irresponsible when they got us stuck in this bear trap. We cannot mirror that irresponsibility in how we deal with this from here on out. It is what it is.
As for mirroring the neocon talking points, and as for the idea that "Out Now!" is the only 'principled' response to this, I would simply state that matters are more complicated than that. I certainly do not have all the answers to this by any stretch of the imagination, and some will claim I am merely parroting Establishment thinking. So be it. I find it principled to consider the thousand different angles and corners and curves and pitfalls in this situation before coming to any conclusion, and if an analysis of all this does not make it easy for myself or others to advocate for immediate withdrawal, do not for a second think I am happy about it.
The amount of trouble Bush and his gang have gotten us into beggars description. Writer Andrew Bacevich sums it up succinctly: “Indeed, today the Bush administration's aim is not to win but to relieve itself of responsibility for waging a war that it began but cannot finish. Debate in national security circles focuses not on deploying war-winning technologies or fielding innovative tactics, but on how we can extricate ourselves before our overstretched forces suffer irreparable damage. Optimists are placing their hopes on a crash program to create a new Iraqi security force that just might permit us in a year or so to begin reducing the size of our garrison. Pessimists have their doubts. But virtually no one is predicting we will be even remotely close to crushing the insurgency. The decisive victory promised by the war's advocates back in March 2003 -- remember all the talk of ‘shock and awe’? -- has now slipped beyond our grasp.”
I wish I could stick my fingers in my ears and wish it all away, wish that the Bush v. Gore decision had never happened, wish that September 11 had never happened, wish the massive and proven-correct protests could have stopped the invasion, wish the Senate had stood up in 2003 when they had the chance, wish that the members of the aforementioned Senate had read my book when it was mailed to them six months before the invasion, wish that the 2004 election had gone differently, wish that the entirety of our global economic and social infrastructure was not addicted to petroleum, wish that Reagan and Bush had not worked so hard to create Saddam and Osama in the first place, wish that the Cold War which ultimately started most of these problems had happened differently or not at all.
I wish I could do those things, but I can’t, and so I and all of us are faced with the grim responsibility of trying to determine a smart way to claw our way out of this. Garris is absolutely correct when he states, “They create a quagmire, then argue that it will be a disaster if we leave.” Unfortunately, saying that out loud doesn’t solve the problem, and in this case, concerns about disaster are legitimate. As it stands, I think anyone who can figure out a workable plan to get us out of there within a year without lighting the planet on fire deserves the Nobel Peace Prize. Frankly, they will deserve the next seventeen Nobel Peace Prizes, all in a row.
In the final analysis, the problem standing in the way of any solution is one that will not be fixed anytime soon: So long as Bush and his friends are lining their pockets with blood money from Iraqi oil, so long as they are intent to continue raiding the Treasury, so long as they are enriched and politically strengthened by creating a climate of permanent warfare, so long as the mainstream news media continues its policy of deliberately ignoring all these elephants in the room, all discussions of a solution are moot. The creation of such an intractable damned-if-we-do-damned-if-we-don’t scenario was murderously intentional, and brilliantly Machiavellian in its implementation.
I don’t have the answers to this, but I do know that we have a responsibility to figure it out. I know that simple answers to complicated situations are what got us into this in the first place. Beyond that, we’re in the wind.
By the way, Eric, thanks for the post.
Edit to add: If you do believe that immediate withdrawal is the only answer, you have my ultimate respect despite any disagreements we may have. Further, if you wish to forcefully advocate your opinion to Congress, the good people at Progressive Democrats of America have set up a tool to help you do exactly that. Use it.
| |